Not Kicking the Flag Pole

Context:

The informant is a member of the Trojan Marching Band at USC. At the same time, the informant is a strong supporter of USC school spirit and marching band traditions, and is very knowledgeable about band “lore” and internal practices.

Text:

One of the most well known game day traditions at USC is kicking the pole before leaving campus through Exposition Blvd to attend the football game. This tradition is said to symbolize luck, some even say that if you don’t perform it, you will bring bad luck to the football team.

According to my informant, the marching band does the same thing as well. As they march in formation and pass the pole, all members stop the cadence for a second and kick the pole. Upperclassmen even make sure that freshmen who are catching up with the tradition perform the ritual in time.

However, after the game is finished, when the marching band is marching back to campus and passing by the same pole, people are not allowed to kick it anymore. It is the total opposite this time—if you kick it, you would give bad luck to the football team for their next game.

“The worst thing is,” the informant said in exclamation, “the general fans are not aware of this tradition. They would kick the pole on their way back in front of us! That always annoys me!”

Analysis:

The “pole kicking” tradition at USC illustrates how folk rituals create meaning through collective practice, timing, and shared knowledge. Although the action itself is simple, its significance changes depending on context. Within the marching band, the ritual also functions as a form of group coordination and identity, reinforcing shared participation through performance. At the same time, the informant’s frustration with general fans unknowingly breaking the rule highlights how such traditions can serve as markers of insider knowledge, distinguishing those who understand the “correct” practice from those who do not.

The Paper Fan

Context:

The interviewee attended the same elementary school as me. She is currently in her early 20s and studying in college in China. The events she describes took place during her elementary school years, in a typical Chinese classroom setting with approximately 40–50 students per homeroom.

Text:

“So it became a trend, a fashion, really,” the informant said.

The informant recalls that back in elementary school, she learned how to fold a simple paper fan using homework paper without any glue or scissors, so students could basically fold it whenever they wanted (especially during class). At one point, everyone in the classroom was trying to make their own paper fan.

The trend eventually got stopped by the teachers because they noticed students getting distracted in class from making paper fans. Some paper fans were confiscated, and students stopped making them. The trend ended quickly—within a week, like many school trends do.

Analysis:

This account reflects how small, improvised practices among children can rapidly develop into collective trends within a tightly structured environment like a Chinese public school classroom. The paper fan activity demonstrates how shared constraints (limited materials, classroom setting, and boredom) can encourage creative folk practices that spread quickly through the imitation. At the same time, the teacher’s intervention highlights the role of institutional authority in regulating informal student folk culture.

“Happy Game Day” Helmet Bump

Context:

The informant is a member of the Trojan Marching Band at USC. At the same time, the informant is a strong supporter of USC school spirit and marching band traditions, and is very knowledgeable about band “lore” and internal practices.

Text:

Before the marching band marches into the field to perform their pregame show, the band typically waits in the tunnel for around 20 minutes with little to do. During this break, members began a practice known as the “helmet bump.” This involves two members holding hands, congratulating each other with “happy game day,” and then gently bumping their helmets together. Over time, this developed into a game day tradition. During the 20-minute wait, members try to repeat the ritual with as many people in their section as possible, and it is said to help calm nerves before going onto the field to perform. As the tradition evolved, some sections also began giving short section speeches. This waiting period has come to mark the official start of game day for the marching band.

Analysis:

The “helmet bump” tradition illustrates how informal practices can emerge within structured performance environments as a way of managing emotions. Through repeated physical gestures and verbal affirmation, members reinforce interpersonal bonds while also reaffirming their shared identity as a section and as part of the larger marching band. As the practice evolves to include section speeches and wider participation, it also shows how folk rituals can gradually become institutionalized within a group, marking the transition from preparation time to the formal beginning of game day.

The Worshiping of Confucius During Finals

Context:

The informant is a senior undergraduate student at USC, but she finished all her previous education in Chinese public school. Where the education system drastically varies from the US.

Text:

“On Chinese school campuses, you often see bronze statues of Confucius. In hope for Confucius to bless them to do well on their monthly exams, students often offer various “sacrifices” to the statue. For example, they would place snacks and milk around the statue as a tribute. The offerings completely surround the statue. They do this in hopes of getting good grades on their exams. Some students might say, “Wow, both hands are full!” Others might ask, “why must it be Confucius?” This is because students believe Confucius can bring them good luck, and that he is respected as the “Teacher of all teachers.” He is seen as the originator of the examination system in a way. So if they pay respect to this founding master, he will bring them good luck. That’s basically the idea.”

Analysis.

This ritual shows how students turn a respected cultural figure into a practical ritual tied to academic success. The ritual is not formally required, but it is shared and repeated among students, giving it a collective meaning. The choice of Confucius reflects his association with education and scholarly authority, linking traditional values to modern exam culture. Overall, the practice demonstrates how students adapt cultural symbols into simple, everyday actions to cope with academic pressure.

The Haunted Forth Floor

Context:

The informant attended the same elementary school as me. We ended up going to different middle schools but somehow remained in contact. She is now studying Chinese literature at a highly selective university in China.

Text:

In the informant’s Chinese local college, there is a well-known student folklore about the “haunted fourth floor” of the Literature Building. Students say that after a certain hour in the evening, you should no longer step into the fourth floor, or else you will be cursed by a ghost who died in the building. There is also sayings that the literature building use to be a small factories, and a worker died from an accident yet their family was not compensate, thus he haunts the livings. Students sometimes would avoid staying there alone, especially during exam season.

The informant doesn’t believe in this ghost story. She thinks the fear is closely tied to the number four itself, which in Chinese pronunciation is similar to the word for “death” (死). Because of this association, the number is widely considered unlucky, and in some buildings it is either skipped or treated with discomfort. She considered this as superstition.

But when asked if she would go study there, she said no.

Analysis:

This folklore shows how superstition, memory, and academic pressure come together to shape student space and behavior. The “haunted fourth floor” draws on the cultural association between the number four and death, which gives the location an immediate symbolic unease even without belief in ghosts. At the same time, the story of a worker’s death adds a narrative of unresolved injustice, turning the building into a site of imagined haunting and moral tension. Even though the informant personally rejects the supernatural explanation, her reluctance to study there suggests that folklore can still influence behavior without belief.