Monthly Archives: May 2011

Legend- Puerto Rico (Chupacabra)

Nationality: Puerto Rican/American
Age: 21
Occupation: Student
Residence: Los Angeles, CA
Performance Date: April 22, 2011
Primary Language: English
Language: Spanish

Legend: There’s a creature that lives in the wild, called the Chupacabra, or goat-sucker, that comes out at night to prey upon all kinds of livestock (not just goats, but also cows, for example) in Puerto Rico. The creature comes from some kind of area where it can be easily hidden like a forest. Oftentimes, farmers will come out early in the morning to find one of their livestock dead and the markings of the dead livestock will have two deep puncture wounds that look like they were created by big fangs. All that is left of the animal is a carcass completely sucked dry of its blood, and with all other parts of its flesh left intact. It’s believed that the creature is “vampiric” in nature: it needs blood in order to sustain itself. It has fangs and glowing eyes.

The informant is uncertain whether the Chupacabra is only believed to exist in Puerto Rico or in other countries as well, and thinks that other features may be added to it, which vary according to the person telling the story. Some of these features, which he believes may also be included and that he may have heard of, include horns, wings, and a distinct howl. The informant learned the legend of the Chupacabra from his mother, who was born in Puerto Rico, during childhood, perhaps around 7 years of age. He is pretty sure the story was told to him while visiting grandparents in Puerto Rico, probably late at night, and in a cautionary way (“Look-out for the Chupacabra; he may get you!”).

The legend of the Chupacabra would be told at night in Puerto Rico. It is probably told most often to children to prevent them from being bad (“Don’t do this or the Chupacabra will get you”), but could also be told to an older individual. According to the informant, besides this, there is “no purpose to the legend” and he doesn’t “see what farmers have to gain by telling a story about the Chupacabra.” He doesn’t think the story has any literal truth, and he notes that the Chupacabra “hasn’t been scientifically proven to exist.” He supposes that it may in fact be some other type of animal, such as “a mountain lion or coyote.” He thinks that this legend puts Puerto Rico “on the radar” and “adds tradition” to Puerto Rico which “otherwise is a region of the world that many people don’t care much about.” The main use of the story, however, the informant reiterates, is probably to scare children.

Though the informant states at one point that he doesn’t think the legend of the Chupacabra serves any purpose, he does offer two distinct and, in my opinion, quite plausible reasons for why the story is continually told: first, that the scary figure of the Chupacabra can serve as a way to prevent bad behavior among impressionable children and second, that the story can be a way of distinguishing Puerto Rico, perhaps an otherwise small and insignificant country, as the place where this extraordinary creature exists. To this latter understanding I think it may also be added that the Chupacabra legend can provide a way of consolidating identity for Puerto Ricans and knowledge or lack thereof of the story provides an easy way of figuring out if one is an insider (a Puerto Rican, or someone of similar heritage), or a nescient (at least with respect to this common story) outsider. Likewise, his other reason for why the story is told—namely, to frighten misbehaving children, or to prevent future misconduct—seems to me to be just as practical and probable reason to pass along the Chupacabra legend. I can, for instance, remember my own parents reminding my young sister every time we passed an old, dilapidated house that it was inhabited by an old witch who, much like the Chupacabra, would come and take her from us if she didn’t behave.

One respect in which I disagree with the informant’s understanding of the legend involves his statement that Puerto Rican farmers (who he believes are the originators of the story) would have no reason to invent the insidious figure of the Chupacabra. The problem with this, first, is that by stating this he assumes that Puerto Rican farmers could (and did) only conjure up this tale in order to serve some hidden agenda, and thus envisions that the story could only be a rather less than ingenious (since it serves no purpose) ploy used by a lot of conspiring farmers. It seems clear that the informant resorts to an interpretation of the story’s origin whereby it must have been made-up by farmers for a certain reason because he views the legend of the Chupacabra as quite patently false; put otherwise, because the story is false, there must have been some other motive for the farmers’ telling it, since it could not be on account of its truth. Here, I think the informant misses an important and quite likely possibility for the origin of the story which seems common to the genesis of many legends, namely, that the beings and events they invoke serve some type of explanatory purpose; they are often extraordinary precisely because the phenomena they are meant to elucidate cannot be understood in terms of what is merely ordinary.  If viewed in this way, the legend could have a very real, and in no way conniving, purpose which was only for farmers to explain why their livestock were being consumed in such a peculiar manner.

Annotation:

Radford, Benjamin. Tracking the Chupacabra: The Vampire Beast in Fact, Fiction, and Folklore. University of New Mexico Press, 2011.

School Cheer

Nationality: Hispanic
Age: 21
Occupation: Student
Residence: Los Angeles, CA
Performance Date: 4/25/11
Primary Language: English

“G-R-I-ZZL-IES…. We are the California (Stomp, Stomp) Grizzlies”

Julia was a cheerleader in High School.  She remember have a great amount of school pride and enjoyed cheering for sports teams.  Julia performed this cheer with the other cheerleaders at high school football games.  She has fond memories of this cheer because she loved high school.  Julia learned this cheer from her cheer coach, but she remembered that it had been passed down from the girls who cheered in the previous years as well. She also recalls that everyone make Grizzly claws with their hands when they cheered “Grizzlies” at the end.

I think this song is a simple way to promote school spirit. By spelling out the word “Grizzlies”, the team mascot is emphasized and celebrated.  This song should only really be performed by cheerleaders and spectators/fans at the high school football game.  The custom of creating hand motions to represent the mascot, in this instance a Grizzly claw, is prevalent throughout sports.  For instance, at USC football games fan’s make a “V” with their fingers to symbolize “Victory” and the mascot Tommy Trojan.

Wedding Tradition-Mexican

Nationality: Mexican-American
Age: 21
Occupation: Student
Residence: Los Angeles, CA
Performance Date: April 4, 2011
Primary Language: English
Language: Spanish

“My family doesn’t pin the money on the bride’s dress like most Mexican families do because it ruins the dress, but we do dance with the bride and put money in a basket. But we’re pretty Americanized. Yeah it’s like a send off gift to help the couple out. It comes from rural Mexico. Couples are usually poor, so people help by putting money on them.”

            My informant was born in Sacramento, and now lives in Los Angeles. His parents are both from Mexico, and when we were talking about weddings, he told me about this tradition in which money is pinned on the bride’s dress as she dances around the room and individually with each guest. He considers putting the money in the basket a more Americanized version of this custom. His family has adapted this custom to their own lifestyle, which shows its multiplicity and variation.

            He mentions that many couples are poor, so this tradition is meant to help them as they start a new life together. This is similar to the function of wedding presents given in bridal showers. Sometimes the gifts are cash, only not pinned to the dress. I have seen boxes for wedding cards to be dropped off, which usually includes cash. Using a basket is similar to this American custom in which there is a box for money. This is an example of cultural hybridization. Many ethnic groups do pin the money on the dress, however, which may seem more like an example of homogentation.

Annotation: This practice has been discussed in the Journal of Folklore Research

Pauline Greenhill, Kendra Magnusson. “Your Presence at Our Wedding Is Present Enough”: Lies, Coding, Maintaining Personal Face, and the Cash Gift
Journal of Folklore Research – Volume 47, Number 3, September-December 2010, pp. 307-333

Wedding Traditions-Korean

Nationality: Korean
Age: 22
Occupation: Student
Residence: Los Angeles, CA
Performance Date: April 18, 2011
Primary Language: English
Language: Korean

“Korean weddings are very boring. Nobody dances, and sometimes they don’t even kiss because they are afraid to offend the older people. The wedding isn’t really about the party part of it, it’s more about the ceremony.”

            Annie was born in Korea. Her family moved to America when she was in middle school, and now she lives in Los Angeles. I was talking about being excited to go to my cousin’s wedding, and we started talking about the differences between Korean and American weddings. She explained that Koreans are very concerned about being proper, particularly when it comes to how they display themselves in public. Dancing and kissing both fall under the category of overt sexuality, especially in the eyes of the older attendees. The young people don’t want to offend the older people, so they keep from making such displays.

            This makes sense because wedding traditions are often riddled with sexual overtones. In America, we might expect some form of rebellion from young people, especially because American culture has little value for old people. In Korean groups, the older people have more of an influence in Korean society. This is seen by the respect the young people have for their opinion.

Proverb-Peruvian

Nationality: Peruvian
Age: 73
Occupation: Natural Doctor
Residence: Lima, Peru
Performance Date: April 21, 2011
Primary Language: Spanish
Language: English

“Ama sua

Ama quella

Ama lluclla”

Do not lie

Do not idle your time

Do not steal

 Dr. Martinez works as a natural medical doctor in Perú. His ancestors settled there many generations ago, and since he is a mix of Native American and Spaniard. He travels back and forth to the United States, where his son lives.

 Dr. Martinez tells me that this phrase was spoken by Incan leaders as a kind of motto that instructed people how to live good lives. He values these tenets as basic to a good life, and he believes they represent the culture of the area.

 It seems that this phrase is pretty all-encompassing in terms of vice. If you don’t lie, idle your time, or steal, you should be a good person. It parallels the Ten Commandments in the authoritative nature. Many of the Ten Commandments outline what not to do in a similar manner, and are also meant to be guidelines to living a good life. These three commands, however, leave out many vices, particularly that of murder. It sounds elegant, but might not be, because it lacks such important ideals. I think this phrase is held onto due to a romanticized view of the Inca Empire. This has remained a powerful message and is used often today.

Annotation: This proverb is discussed in the followeing work:

Masterson, Daniel M. Militarism and Politics in Latin America: Peru from Sa?nchez Cerro to Sendero Luminoso. New York: Greenwood, 1991. Print.