Author Archives: Ellie Wong

“Happy Game Day” Helmet Bump

Context:

The informant is a member of the Trojan Marching Band at USC. At the same time, the informant is a strong supporter of USC school spirit and marching band traditions, and is very knowledgeable about band “lore” and internal practices.

Text:

Before the marching band marches into the field to perform their pregame show, the band typically waits in the tunnel for around 20 minutes with little to do. During this break, members began a practice known as the “helmet bump.” This involves two members holding hands, congratulating each other with “happy game day,” and then gently bumping their helmets together. Over time, this developed into a game day tradition. During the 20-minute wait, members try to repeat the ritual with as many people in their section as possible, and it is said to help calm nerves before going onto the field to perform. As the tradition evolved, some sections also began giving short section speeches. This waiting period has come to mark the official start of game day for the marching band.

Analysis:

The “helmet bump” tradition illustrates how informal practices can emerge within structured performance environments as a way of managing emotions. Through repeated physical gestures and verbal affirmation, members reinforce interpersonal bonds while also reaffirming their shared identity as a section and as part of the larger marching band. As the practice evolves to include section speeches and wider participation, it also shows how folk rituals can gradually become institutionalized within a group, marking the transition from preparation time to the formal beginning of game day.

The Worshiping of Confucius During Finals

Context:

The informant is a senior undergraduate student at USC, but she finished all her previous education in Chinese public school. Where the education system drastically varies from the US.

Text:

“On Chinese school campuses, you often see bronze statues of Confucius. In hope for Confucius to bless them to do well on their monthly exams, students often offer various “sacrifices” to the statue. For example, they would place snacks and milk around the statue as a tribute. The offerings completely surround the statue. They do this in hopes of getting good grades on their exams. Some students might say, “Wow, both hands are full!” Others might ask, “why must it be Confucius?” This is because students believe Confucius can bring them good luck, and that he is respected as the “Teacher of all teachers.” He is seen as the originator of the examination system in a way. So if they pay respect to this founding master, he will bring them good luck. That’s basically the idea.”

Analysis.

This ritual shows how students turn a respected cultural figure into a practical ritual tied to academic success. The ritual is not formally required, but it is shared and repeated among students, giving it a collective meaning. The choice of Confucius reflects his association with education and scholarly authority, linking traditional values to modern exam culture. Overall, the practice demonstrates how students adapt cultural symbols into simple, everyday actions to cope with academic pressure.

The Haunted Forth Floor

Context:

The informant attended the same elementary school as me. We ended up going to different middle schools but somehow remained in contact. She is now studying Chinese literature at a highly selective university in China.

Text:

In the informant’s Chinese local college, there is a well-known student folklore about the “haunted fourth floor” of the Literature Building. Students say that after a certain hour in the evening, you should no longer step into the fourth floor, or else you will be cursed by a ghost who died in the building. There is also sayings that the literature building use to be a small factories, and a worker died from an accident yet their family was not compensate, thus he haunts the livings. Students sometimes would avoid staying there alone, especially during exam season.

The informant doesn’t believe in this ghost story. She thinks the fear is closely tied to the number four itself, which in Chinese pronunciation is similar to the word for “death” (死). Because of this association, the number is widely considered unlucky, and in some buildings it is either skipped or treated with discomfort. She considered this as superstition.

But when asked if she would go study there, she said no.

Analysis:

This folklore shows how superstition, memory, and academic pressure come together to shape student space and behavior. The “haunted fourth floor” draws on the cultural association between the number four and death, which gives the location an immediate symbolic unease even without belief in ghosts. At the same time, the story of a worker’s death adds a narrative of unresolved injustice, turning the building into a site of imagined haunting and moral tension. Even though the informant personally rejects the supernatural explanation, her reluctance to study there suggests that folklore can still influence behavior without belief.

Tomato and Egg

Context:

The informant is a Chinese woman in her mid-50s who was born and raised in China and currently lives in Beijing. She has primarily taken care of the domestic side of her family. Although she considers herself a poor cook, but the tomato and egg stir-fry is probably the best that I have ever tasted.

Text:

西红柿炒鸡蛋 (tomato and egg stir-fry) is one of the most common home-cooked dishes in China. It is widely considered a “basic” dish that almost everyone learns to make at some point in their life. The informant recalls that it is often associated with everyday family meals, especially during childhood, because it is simple, affordable, and quick to prepare. The dish is usually made with just tomatoes, eggs, sugar, and salt, and is frequently served with rice as a main meal in domestic settings.

Analysis:

This dish reflects more than just domestic cooking practices in China; it is also tied to historical memory and changing social conditions. Its simplicity and low cost are often associated with earlier periods of economic hardship, when families needed to rely on accessible ingredients to sustain daily meals. Over time, however, 西红柿炒鸡蛋 has shifted from a “poverty food” to a cultural symbol of comfort and familiarity, representing home and everyday stability. In contemporary contexts, it is often framed with a sense of national culinary identity, as it is widely recognized, universally accessible, and deeply embedded in shared lived experience across generations.

Fermented Rice (醪糟)

Context:
The informant is a Chinese woman in her mid-50s who was born and raised in China and currently lives in Beijing. She grew up within a traditional cultural environment where home remedies and food-based health practices were commonly passed down between women in the family.

Text:
The informant describes fermented rice (醪糟) as a common traditional food often associated with women’s health, particularly during menstruation. It is typically served warm, sometimes with eggs or sugar, and is believed in popular practice to help “warm the body” and support recovery during a woman’s period. The informant explains that in her experience, it is often recommended within family settings as a comforting food during menstruation.

Analysis:
This shows how fermented rice functions not only as a household food but also as part of a gendered system of folk health knowledge. Its association with menstruation reflects broader cultural ideas about balancing the body, warmth, and recovery through food. Within this context, the dish becomes more than nourishment—it carries symbolic meaning tied to women’s bodily experience and care. At the same time, its continued use in everyday life demonstrates how traditional beliefs about health are preserved and normalized through domestic practice. In this way, fermented rice can also be understood as a form of embodied cultural knowledge that connects food, gender, and wellbeing in everyday life.