Nicaraguan Proverb – The Viper is Under the Stone

Age: 20

Context:

The informant’s family is from Nicaragua and often uses this proverbial phrase as a warning about the unseemly character of others. It is said to caution others in regards to friends or acquittances.

Text:

A: “Okay, so my grandma is from Nicaragua and so one of the sayings my mom will say to me sometimes it’s : ‘debajo de la piedra está la víbora. ‘ So, in English, it means the viper is under the stone.”

K: “The viper is under the stone?”

A: “Yeah, so that basically translates to for example somebody who seems nice on the outside or one way but behind the scenes they are not as nice as they seem and actually could be like manipulative or like rotten inside.

Analysis:

This Nicaraguan proverbial phrase is a part of verbal folklore and acts as a metaphor within the informant’s culture to warn against deceptive people. It follows the structure of proverbial phrases by commenting on the hidden character of manipulation, represented by the image of a viper. The passing down of the proverb shows how verbal folklore continues across generations to socialize and educate children. This metaphor highlights the role of folk belief in navigating personal relationship and uncertainty.

University of South Carolina Game Day Tradition: Burning Tiger

Context:

The informant attends the University of South Carolina, which has an intense football rivalry with Clemson University. This ritual is performed a week before the rivalry game each year.

Text:

Before the rivalry game between Clemson and the University of South Carolina, the students in the engineering school build a large tiger out of natural materials. The informant recalls that most recently they built this tiger out of wood. The tiger represents the mascot of Clemson University. The tiger is burned a week before the game occurs on the practice football field in front of all the students.

Analysis:

This ritual is a ritualesque performance that represents a sense of rivalry and shared group identities through the collective action of building and burning the tiger. This act connects to Jack Santino’s idea in “The Carnivalesque and the Ritualesque” that some events intend to create real effects (i.e. USC winning the rivalry game). Additionally, the construction and burning of the tiger reflects a form of homepathic magic that Frazer describes, where destroying a representation of Clemson’s mascot attempts to show superiority over them. This ritual helps reinforce both in-group and out-group boundaries by showing how folklore can strengthen group identity, while simultaneously sowing divisions within larger regional communities.

Women’s National Championship Celebration

Age: 20

Context:

The informant attends the University of South Carolina, which has a nationally ranked women’s basketball team. In the past few years, the team has won the NCAA championship multiple times. The informant has witnessed campus wide celebrations each year they win.

Text:

The informant recounts that if the USC women’s basketball team wins the national championship at the end of the season, crowds gather to jump in the fountain outside Thomas Cooper library to celebrate. Hundreds of people gather to celebrate immediately after the game is won.

Analysis:

This celebration is a ritual that helps create a sense of communitas since the entire student body joins in to cement a social bond through their sports team’s victory. Jumping into the fountain serves as a rite of passage that transforms a mere fountain outside a library into a place with communal meaning. This tradition turns the team’s success into a part of the entire university’s identity to create a collective sense of pride and belonging.

Blessing a New House

Context:

The informant has only moved homes twice in her life. Each time she moves her family does this custom before moving their stuff and furniture into the space. It is a Hindu tradition.

Text:

When the informant moved into her new home, a priest had to ensure the space was good to move into. The priest blessed the home and performed a pooja involving incense, allowing for her family to fully move in. The priest had the family repeat after him to chant in Sanskrit. The informant admits that she does not know nor understand this language.

Analysis:

This practice is a transition ritual, where moving homes involves leaving the old home, a liminal blessing of the new one, and re-introduction into a purified environment. These processes within the ritual reflect Van Gennep’s rites of passage where the pooja holds culturally shared significance. Using incense and chanting, the house is symbolically transformed into a sacred, safe space. In this way, people can manage their anxieties and uncertainty over new environments with such spiritual protection. Additionally, the informant’s relationship with Sanskrit demonstrates an instance of esoteric communication, where meaning is rooted in tradition even if it is not fully understood by participants.

Kumkum Sacred Powder

Age: 20

Context: This red powder, referred to as kumkum, holds religious significance to the informant. She recalls it being spread on her forehead after praying.

Text: The informant puts this red powder, kumkum, on her forehead to signify devotion and spirituality. Although her family buys it from a store, she believes it is made from combining turmeric, a prominent holy ingredient in Indian food, and lemon.

Analysis:

This practice involves material culture and customary folklore as kumkum is symbolically used to express religious identity. The application of kumkum on the forehead connects to Victor Turner’s two poles of symbolism, as the visible red mark indicates a sensory experience that reflects a larger idealogical, spiritual meaning tied to faith. The belief about its natural ingredients, even when store bought, shows how folklore holds vernacular significance and can impart sacred meaning onto everyday ingredients like turmeric.