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Rites of Passage and Community in Wargaming

The Informant

The informant AG has been playing wargaming for over five years, and he has not only painted his own miniature sets but also developed his own homebrew games. The informant mostly plays ‘miniature agnostic’ games with abstract rulesets that enable players to bring their own unique miniature sets.

The Text

A common experience in becoming a member in the wargaming community is painting your own miniature sets, and it tends to be very poorly painted. The informant reports wargamers as largely older demographics amongst historical wargames while younger demographics play sci-fi wargames. A rite of passage the informant notes is learning how to thin the paint, as amateurs can be identified by blotches of paint on their miniatures that blot out the miniature details. While any wargamer can be identified by having miniatures of units on display, a passionate wargamer and a “poser” can be differentiated by the types of miniatures they have on display in their house. Uncommon miniature sizes like 6mm, 3mm, 2mm, and scaled ships or uncommon historical eras such as Medieval or Ancient as these miniatures aren’t usually commercially mass produced, and the players must go out of their way to acquire them. The base for the miniatures are also a good indicator, as companies like Litko allow specified customizations on base sizes and even material, offering wood or metals instead of the mass produced plactic, which proves further investment in the hobby. The Miniatures Page and Tactical Command are forums where these hobbies gather online, but they are rather dated in terms of web design. Tournaments and expos are events where wargamers gather, and people bring their own miniature sets while miniature studios market their services. If someone disrespects another person’s miniature set by stepping on them, tossing them aside, etc, they will be disqualified from the tournament or asked to leave if at a home game, likely to never be invited back again. These players often have special cases for carrying miniatures.

Analysis

There are a few folk aspects to this interview, starting with membership identification with a folk community through the miniatures, which seem to be highly valued and personal within the community. The existence and even preference for “agnostic” wargame systems suggest importance placed on the personalization of miniatures, and the personal offense taken when one’s miniature set is disrespected suggests a Frazeristic contagiously magical connection to the miniature as an extension of the self given the time invested on customizing and painting them. As such, they have meaning to the players in the sense that players convert their own time and labor into these products. Similarly, painting one’s own first miniature set is considered a rite of passage for becoming a member of the wargaming community, beyond first setting foot into a game store with the interest of trying a game with someone else’s miniature set. The choice made in how one creates or even carry their miniatures reflects Stuart Hall’s reception theory of identity expression in consumerism, with specific studios offering customized miniatures. Furthermore, tournaments and conventions serve as a festival where players can gather to share this common love for a niche hobby which they do not have much opportunity to express their affiliation in public otherwise. In a sense, performing this identity is an inversal of the norm, which the spatially and temporally localized festival enables and encourages.

A Personal Ghost Story

Nationality: American

Age: 21

Occupation: Student 

Residence: Sturbridge, MA, USA

Date: 04/05/2025 

Language: English

Description 

When my parents were moved into [the house], they had to have it like, cleansed spiritually. Because they kept hearing like all of these noises, and they would like see things at night, this whole thing. Um, and then. Yeah, they would like, see things. I don’t know, like ghosts or whatever. I remember one night they were telling me that I think they like saw something, and we have a mud room like with, you know, the pantry and all that. And they had, like, come downstairs to get water or something. And there was just like something sitting in the corner. Um, and then, when I was like, probably a teenager, I heard something really loud downstairs. And then I went downstairs to check it, and all of our cabinets were open. With the plates like, have fallen out everywhere. And like, obviously, there are no Earthquakes in Massachusetts. So, like, that was definitely not an earthquake. Um, and then I went back upstairs, and like the second I had gotten into my bed, I heard like footsteps on the staircase. I also used to hear, like, things, call my name a lot that I thought were my parents, and then I’d go out and they’d like dead asleep. I’m so serious, like. This actually happened in my childhood. There’s no indication of like, what kind of ghost it is. I don’t know what kind, but they’ve like, never been aggressive. Like, they’re like spirits. I don’t think they’re like evil ghosts. Although, we also used to hear, like, like, horse clopping around the house at one point, and then my dad bought a metal detector, and we went outside, and we found a bunch of horseshoes that were buried in our yard. And our garage used to be a stable, so I guess that’s like a specific type of ghost. 

Subject’s Opinion

Interviewer: How did you guys find out it was? Did someone tell you it’s haunted?

Subject: Prior to me, they were…there was just so much weird stuff that was going on, that they had to have, like, bring someone over to like, cleanse it.

Interviewer: Who was that person? 

Subject: I don’t know, it was like…some spiritual person that, like, dealt with spirits, and like, I don’t know what you would call them. 

Interviewer: Like a priest or something. 

Subject: No, it wasn’t like religious, it’s um. Oh my God, I need this word. You know what I’m talking about, right?

Interviewer: So do you believe in ghosts? Do you believe in these spirits? 

Subject: I don’t know. I feel like I’m like the type of person that’s like…if I don’t believe in them, they’re gonna get me. So especially growing up in the house like I believed in, like the spirits, but I don’t think I believe in like ghosts. Like, I don’t think there’s like evil ghost. I just think there’re some spirits going on. 

Analysis

This personal ghost story is a prime example of why ghost stories manifest and how they inform or alter our behavior. The subject claimed her family home is haunted quite matter-of-factly and went on to state three examples as evidence that validate the existence of paranormal entities, which initially suggested a strong belief in the existence of ghosts. But later, the subject drew a distinction between “ghosts” and “spirits”, but was unable to clearly communicate how she differentiates the two. Based on her explanation, it seems like the subject does not regard the “spirits” in her home as “ghosts” with ill intentions. Further, the subject seems to see ghosts as a more heightened concept than spirits, which made me realize that the very narrative definition of a “haunted” house is being challenged. The subject’s family has made meaning out of the odd events around their house by attributing them to paranormal activity, but rest assured as they believe the spirits are friendly and cannot harm them. This particular way of engaging with the belief of a haunting is unique. As we discussed in lecture, places claimed to be haunted are often associated with guilt and trauma without closure, but the subject’s family has clearly separated themselves from any potential history that could cause them to believe these spirits mean harm.

Myth of Rantas

Nationality: Indian- American
Age: 63
Occupation: Physician
Residence: Las Vegas, Nevada
Language: English

Text: Rantas was described to me as a creature with a woman-like stature. She had long and messy black hair, sharp teeth, and mutilated feet. She only existed in the midst of snowstorms, and in times of enjoyable weather she lived deep within the Pir Panjal mountain range. During these snowstorms she would come out and walk through our village. She would knock on the wooden doors of homes to trick children to come out. She would take these children and eat them.

Context: Informant describes first hearing this story when he started traveling to school on his own. Informant recalls his grandmother, on his mother’s side, being the first to tell him of Rantas. At the time he believed she was trying to scare him, but he realizes now that this myth was used to ensure his safety. Informant describes the severity of snowstorms in Kashmir, and how he had lost many childhood friends directly from the storm or from illnesses derived from the conditions. Because he was told this myth, he was never curious of these dangerous conditions.

Analysis: Hearing this myth, which serves to protect the growing generation, I found it very interesting that this common goal of folklore exists across the world, even in such a small region of India. Myth is often used as a protective tool, particularly for children, in dangerous situations. As an alternative to the blunt description of the harsh conditions of Kashmir’s winter storms, elders of the informants family chose to personify potential dangers in a way that would truly terrify any child. In doing so, they were able to pass down survival strategies and expected behaviors to the younger generation. This narrative was also insightful in the way that it encourages me to think back on potential falsehoods that may have been relayed to ensure my safety.

Dwende

Nationality: Filipino
Age: 89
Occupation: Retired
Residence: Tustin, CA
Language: English

Text:

“When I was around 16 or 17, my siblings and I would sit on top of the logging trains in the mountain province of the Philippines. We had so much fun sneaking around and using this as transportation. It was not allowed, and we could get caught by the polic,e but it was free and easier than driving. 

My mother would warn us not to do this because of the dwende. They are these little people that live in the woods. The dwende are mischievous, and my mother was worried that they might play tricks on us. Other people in my village also would say that the dwende are the guardians of all of nature. They punish anyone who disrespects the land but they reward people who are kind. 

One day, I was with my brother on the logging train when the train stopped. Maybe it was a tire or the engine but we waited and waited for hours and it still did not move. When it became nighttime, I got worried that the dwende might catch us. My brother told me not to worry but of course I did. We had to sleep outside and who knows what is in the forest.

I tried to stay awake as long as possible this night because I didn’t want to get caught off guard. My brother didn’t care and slept anyways. When it was really late, I was watching the stars when I saw a line of torches and the sounds of drums coming from the mountainside. I shook my brother awake to tell him the dwende are here to get us. By the time my brother woke up, the lights and drumming disappeared. He did not believe me when I told him what I witnessed but I know what I saw.”

Context:

The informant’s relationship to this piece is that it is a first-person account making it a memorate. Her relationship to this piece is both personal and intergenerational. The belief in the dwende comes from her mother’s warnings suggesting a transmission of folklore through family. The information respected but didn’t fully fear the dwende at first until the moment she was stranded in the woods with her brother which triggered anxiety and gave cultural meaning to her fear.

The informant first learned about the dwende from her mother, whose role in the story is protective and cautionary. This positions her mother as a cultural gatekeeper, passing down ancestral knowledge and reinforcing social boundaries. She also mentions that others in her village believed in dwende confirming that this wasn’t just a family tale but a shared communicable belief within her region in the mountain province.

The informant doesn’t claim to have seen the dwende directly, but her interpretation of the unexplained event, the torchlights and drumming in the mountains, is filtered through the folklore. In a moment of fear, isolation, and natural vulnerability, the dwende become a way of explaining the unknown. The forest is no longer just wilderness, it becomes spiritually alive. The story reflects a deep-seated cultural respect and fear for nature, especially at night, a liminal time often associated with spiritual activity. Though her brother dismisses the sighting, the informant is firm in her belief: “I know what I saw.” This underscores the validity of personal experience in folk belief, even when it goes unconfirmed by others.

Interpretation:

This memorate is told from the point of view of a teenager engaging in somewhat rebellious acts which is riding logging trains illegally. This context is important because it sets up a contrast between modern youthful behavior and traditional cautionary wisdom. The informant’s mother warns against this behavior not just for practical safety reasons but because of spiritual consequnces invoking the dwende who are mystical beings believed to punish those who disrespect nature.

This shows how family serves as a conduit for cultural memory and belief. The mother’s warning isn’t just folklore, it’s a serious, moral teaching grounded in both love and live tradition. The informant’s recollection of this advice during a moment of fear reveals that such stories are not just superstitions to be dismissed, but internalized frameworks used to interpret and survive the world.

At the heart of this narrative is a spiritual relationship with nature. In many indigenous Filipino belief systems, particularly in the mountain provinces, nature is not inert; it is inhabited by spirits and entities, such as the dwende, who serve as guardians of the land. 

The train stalling in the middle of the forest and the resulting sense of helplessness is interpreted not as a mechanical failure but as a possible punishment or omen. The strange torchlights and drumming deepen the sense of mystery and sacredness of the place. The informant fears not animals or criminals, but spiritual retribution, which reflects how natural spaces are culturally coded as spiritual spaces, deserving of respect and even fear. This worldview contrasts sharply with exploitative or secular perspectives of nature. The dwende myth functions to preserve environmental boundaries, discouraging intrusion, destruction, or careless behavior.

The fear the informant experiences is not simply personal, it is culturally shaped. Their anxiety, triggered by the torchlights and sounds, is filtered through the belief in dwende, taught by their mother and affirmed by their village. In this way, folk beliefs become tools for processing the unknown, especially in situations where logic fails. Moreover, the dwende serve as figures of moral judgment. Their mythology reinforces a code of behavior: be respectful, stay humble, don’t overstep. This aligns with broader Filipino values like “pakikisama” (smooth interpersonal relations) and “galang” (respect)—even applied to the land and unseen spirits.

La Virgen de Guadelupe

Nationality: Mexican American
Age: 45
Occupation: Highschool religion teacher
Residence: Orange, CA
Language: English

Text

“A story that stood out to me growing up was of La Virgen de Guadalupe. I first hear it from my abuela. For her, La Virgen was someone you prayed to when you needed protection or when money was tight. The legend I remember best is the most basic version I know of La Virgen. In 1531, a man named Juan Diego was walking near Tepeyac Hill and he saw a woman appear in front of him. She was glowing and standing in the light. She spoke to him in his native language, Nahuatl, and told him she was the Virgin Mary. She asked him to tell the bishop to build a church on that hill in her honor.

The bishop pretty much brushed him off. But Juan Diego went back, and the Virgin appeared again, telling him to keep trying. Eventually, she gave him a sign, roses growing on a hill in the middle of December, which was strange on its own. He collected them in his tilma, and when he opened it for the bishop, the flowers fell and her image was imprinted on the cloth.

To me this felt more than just a religious legend. It was a mixture of religion, culture, and identity. She didn’t appear to someone powerful, she appeared to an Indigenous convert. She spoke his language. That says a lot. It’s about how faith and culture meet. La Virgen represents more than just Catholic devotion. She’s about survival, about being seen, especially when you feel invisible in society.

I grew up here in L.A., and you’d see La Virgen everywhere on murals, candles, and rearview mirrors. But it wasn’t just decoration. She meant something to people.”

Context 

This narrative reflects a personal and culturally rooted relationship with the legend of La Virgen de Guadelupe framed through the lived experience of someone raised in a Hispanic household in Los Angeles. The informant first heard the story from his abuela which situates the legend within an intimate and intergenerational context that emphasizes the role of oral tradition and familial storytelling in transmitting religious and cultural identity.

For the informant, this story is associated with his grandmother’s guidance and the emotional comfort of turning to La Virgen in times of need. This positions this legend not only as a religious icon but as a personal protector. 

By recalling the “basic version” of the legend, the informant shows how the essence of the story, Juan Diego, the roses,  and the tilma, remains powerful even in its simplest form. It highlights how the core message has stayed intact across generations, despite the complexities of life, migration, or assimilation.

The informant first heard the story from his grandmother, indicating that the oral transmission of faith and folklore was part of their upbringing. The fact that the story was passed down at home, not just through formal religious education, reinforces how cultural narratives like that of La Virgen serve as both spiritual and cultural inheritance.

Additionally, growing up in Los Angeles, the informant recalls seeing La Virgen “everywhere” reflects how she is visually embedded in urban Chicano/Latino spaces. This widespread visibility of La Virgen, even outside of religious spaces, turns her into a cultural anchor and a visual reminder of identity and resistance. Her image is not simply decorative; it is a symbol of recognition and belonging, especially for those who often go unseen. Through this lens, the legend becomes a profound expression of faith as survival and folklore as cultural memory.

Interpretation

The informant’s recollection of the legend of La Virgen de Guadalupe, first heard from his grandmother, is more than just a childhood memory. It’s a profound example of how folklore operates as a living expression of identity, resilience, and faith within a cultural community. The narrative carries layered meanings that reflect personal significance, cultural continuity, and historical consciousness.

For the grandmother, La Virgen wasn’t just a religious icon, she was someone you turned to in difficult times: for protection, when money was tight, or when things felt uncertain. This portrayal shows how religious folklore is not abstract, it is woven into everyday life as a source of emotional and spiritual support.

The informant’s  interpretation reveals that La Virgen is not only a figure of devotion but also a source of dignity and validation, especially for those who feel “invisible in society.” In this way, the story has functioned as a personal guidepost, reinforcing strength, hope, and identity in moments of marginalization or uncertainty.

The legend’s content—the appearance of the Virgin Mary to Juan Diego, an Indigenous man who spoke Nahuatl, rather than to a priest or colonial authority figure, is a powerful cultural message. The informant underscores this detail, interpreting it as a symbol of divine recognition of the marginalized. It’s not just about religious belief; it’s about who is seen, who is heard, and who matters.

La Virgen de Guadalupe’s story is also a product of historical syncretism, where Catholicism and Indigenous beliefs merged during colonization. The informant may not explicitly use this term, but his description of La Virgen as a symbol where “faith and culture meet” acknowledges this fusion.

By highlighting how La Virgen appeared not to the powerful but to a humble, Indigenous convert, the informant gestures toward a deeper historical truth: that folklore and faith can be tools of both resistance and healing, preserving dignity in the face of systemic erasure.