White Sage Tea

Age: 21

1. If you have a cold you should drink white sage tea.

2. This participant, born and raised in San Diego, recounted the fact that while she was growing up, her family was very much into holistic medicine and would often give her and her siblings various teas and “natural remedies” for any sickness. One specific medicine she remembers was white sage tea. Whenever she had a cold or a cough or just generally complained about feeling ill, her parents would give her a hot cup of white sage tea to make her feel better. She very distinctly remembers the flavor – she said it tasted incredibly “herb-y” and “earthy” and that she used to complain about the taste until her parents would agree to at least add honey or some type of sweetener to appease her. While growing up, the participant states that she never really thought about the origins of this treatment and simply thought it was normal. Now grown up, however, she has since learned that the treatment is rooted in local customs and traditions of the Kumeyaay – a tribe that has historically inhabited the San Diego area. Although she stated she never actually asked her parents why or how they came across the remedy, she assumes it’s just through the fact that they had always been tapped into holistic remedies, they probably just encountered the remedy through the local community.

3. Interviewer’s Interpretation: Natural remedies or holistic medicine is something that has existed for generations, outdating modern medicine by centuries. This specific interview reveals how localized these practices often are. I myself also have parents who are fairly tapped into the world of holistic medicine, and yet despite this – having not grown up in San Diego – I was completely unaware of white sage tea as a remedy. Although this is a fuzzier distinction to make in the age of technology and globalization, since holistic medicine is not necessarily a mainstream practice, I would argue that it still relies on one’s local environment and historical communities on its upkeep and continued practice.

Bloody Mary, Bloody Mary, Bloody Mary

Age: 22

Text/Story: “In middle school, we all dared each other to say ‘Bloody Mary’ three times in the mirror. We were too scared to try it alone, so we did it at sleepovers. We thought we’d summon a ghost or maybe just freak each other out. Even though it was a joke, we kind of believed it and it was a huge bonding thing between us.”

Analysis: The Bloody Mary ritual is an urban legend with folkloric roots, typically performed by children or teens. Originally, it was a divination ritual that dared young women to walk a flight of stairs backwards with only a candle and hand mirror in a darkened house. If you saw a figure other than yourself, it was a sign you’d die before getting married (a popular fear at that time). Despite being largely theatrical, it’s a popular choice for social rite of passage: a test of bravery and conformity. In modern times and in modern media, it’s seen as an initiation into friend groups or a scare tactic for bullies. It’s seen as a strong example of how fear and imagination can impact group dynamics and echoes how older superstitions around reflections and spirits have been passed down for generation. It’s not tied to religion but shows how rituals convey deeper psychological and cultural meaning.

Twelve grapes under the table before New Year

Context

Originating in Spain, the tradition of eating grapes at the stroke of midnight is believed to welcome good fortune and prosperity in the new year. The custom began back in the late 1800s but was popularized in the early 1900s when farmers in the Alicante area produced an overabundant harvest and needed a way to increase grape sales. As the sweet tradition goes, you’re supposed to eat the grapes one at a time at each clock’s chime. If you can finish all 12 grapes within a minute, you’ll see luck, success, and positive energy in the new year.

Content

The informant recalled how she and her three sisters would go under the table and eat 12 grapes before midnight on New Year’s. They would imagine the success they wanted while eating the grapes. She knew it was not likely it would work, but she didn’t want to take the risk of not eating the grapes and not getting the luck for the new year. She also said it was a fun tradition connecting her to her sisters. When her sister got proposed to, they all blamed it on the grapes. 

Analysis

This tradition blends superstition and emotional bonding. As Appadurai (1988) the text suggests that this tradition’s origins can reveal how economic practices can become cultural customs. It is not a necessity because they believe in it, but they fear the consequences of not participating in the tradition. The grapes become a symbolic ritual that, like in Bruner’s (2001) work, creates shared meaning and family intimacy, especially among the sisters, who use the tradition to frame events like marriage as fateful.

Diablos danzantes de Venezuela

Context

It is a June festival that dates back more than 400 years and is celebrated in different locations in the central region of Merida, Venezuela. It usually happens before Corpus Christi, a liturgical solemnity celebrating the real presence of Christ in the Eucharist. This is a very popular tradition since it is connected to Catholicism, the most popular religion in Venezuela. 

Content

La festividad de los Diablos Danzantes empieza el miércoles previo al Corpus Christi, en ella los hombres se disfrazan de diablos enmascarados que danzan en forma de penitencia, en tanto, un grupo de la iglesia católica avanza hacia ellos y lleva el santo sacramento. Todo esto bajo el ritmo de la música de influencia africana. En el momento final de la celebración, los diablos se rinden ante Dios, simbolizando el triunfo del bien sobre el mal.

De nina me daban miedo ver a la gente disfrazada y bailando y colocandose las mascaras grandes, y la musica era de tambor, entonces me parecia que era muy fuerte y satanica cundo las personas disfrazadas de demonios bailaban a esa musica. Pense que cundo seria grade se me iba a quitar pero haun hasta hoy tengo miedo de verlo porque de nina me traumatizaron. Pero me gusto que mis padres estubieran hay para consolarme. Entonces la tradicion se volvio un tiempo para que yo y mis padres nos acercaremos mas. 

Translation

The Dancing Devils festival begins on the Wednesday before Corpus Christi. During it, men dress up as masked devils and dance in penance, while a group from the Catholic Church advances toward them and carries the holy sacrament. All of this is accompanied by African-influenced music. At the final moment of the celebration, the devils surrender to God, symbolizing the triumph of good over evil.

As a child, I was scared of seeing people dressed up and dancing and putting on large masks, and the music was drum-like. It seemed very loud and satanic to me when the people dressed as demons danced to that music. I thought that when I grew up, it would wear off, but to this day, I’m afraid to see it because it traumatized me as a child. But I liked having my parents there to comfort me. So, the tradition became a time for me and my parents to grow closer.

Analysis

This tradition is emblematic in Venezuelan culture because of how strongly religion is tied to Venezuelan people. It merges the most important aspects of this community, dance, music, and Catholicism, into one ceremony dating way before this generation. Drawing from Bascom’s idea of folklore as a vehicle for teaching moral values and reinforcing social norms (Bascom 1965). 

This tradition uses the dramatization of the victory of good versus evil to further their religious beliefs. This is achieved with the use of a very embodied, physical performance that both evokes fear and fascination with the use of African-influenced drumming. This makes the ritual serve as a ritual of transformation and spiritual penitence. The ritual’s structure reflects Levi-Strauss’s analysis of mythic binaries, good vs. evil, sacred vs. profane, where the symbolic surrender of the devils to the Eucharist enacts a resolution of spiritual tension (Levi-Strauss 1955). For the narrator, the traumatic childhood fear of the devils’ masks and music stayed the same over time but it also allowed for a bonding experience for the family, aligning with Bruner’s view of authenticity as a personal experience within tradition (Bruner 2001). This illustrates how folklore does not merely preserve the past but actively shapes personal and collective identities, and “phantoms of romantic nationalism”, rituals that anchor a people to both nation and mythic continuity

La Paradura del Niño

La Paradura del Niño es una festividad católica de origen colonial que se ha arraigado en la cultura andina venezolana. Se celebra en todos los pueblos andinos de Venezuela, con especial importancia en Mérida. Se celebra en Mérida entre el 1 de enero y el 2 de febrero, con la culminación en el Día de la Candelaria. Consiste en pasear al Niño Jesús por las casas de la comunidad, acompañados de cantos, música y rezos, como una forma de celebrar su “nacimiento” y su desarrollo. 

La figura del Niño Jesús se lleva a pasear por las casas, a menudo en un pañuelo de seda. Se realizan cantos y se toca música tradicional, como valses, contradanzas y joropos. Se rezan rosarios y se cantan versos al Niño Jesús. En algunos casos, se organiza una procesión por las calles del pueblo. La Paradura del Niño es una oportunidad para compartir con familiares, amigos y padrinos, fortaleciendo los lazos comunitarios. La Paradura del Niño representa la celebración de la fe, la unidad familiar y la tradición cultural de los pueblos andinos, como en los pueblos del sur de Mérida. Cuando mas disfrute la tradicion era despues de tener mi primera hija. Yo me reunia con la faila del papa y haciamos biscocho, visitabamos muchas casas alrededor de familiares, amigos y vecinos. Yo me acuerdo que me hacia muy alegre porque yo iba con mi hija y comiamos. 

Translation:

The Paradura del Niño (The Child’s Parade)

The Paradura del Niño (The Child’s Parade) is a Catholic festival of colonial origin that has become deeply rooted in Venezuelan Andean culture. It is celebrated in all Andean towns in Venezuela, with particular importance in Mérida. The tradition celebrated in Mérida between January 1 and February 2, culminating on Candlemas Day. It consists of carrying the Baby Jesus through the homes of the community, accompanied by songs, music, and prayers, as a way to celebrate his “birth” and development.

The figure of the Baby Jesus is carried through homes, often in a silk scarf. Songs are sung and traditional music is played, such as waltzes, country dances, and joropos. Rosaries are recited and verses are sung to the Baby Jesus. Procession: In some cases, a procession is organized through the streets of the town. It is an opportunity to share with family, friends, and godparents, strengthening community ties. The Paradura del Niño represents the celebration of faith, family unity, and the cultural traditions of Andean communities, such as those in the towns south of Mérida.

I enjoyed the tradition the most after having my first daughter. I would get together with the father’s family, and we would make biscuits, visiting many homes with family, friends, and neighbors. I remember that it made me very happy because I would go with my daughter, and we would eat.

Analysis

The Paradura del Niño illustrates how religious folklore becomes a living practice that reinforces communities’ shared identity and social festivity. This tradition is rooted in Catholic ritual but shaped by regional Venezuelan customs, which exemplifies what Abrahams (1993) refers to as the transformation of “phantoms of romantic nationalism” into local practices that define belonging and heritage. As a blend of domestic ritual and social festivity, the Paradura aligns with Appadurai’s (1988) view of cultural practices as simultaneously sacred and social, these are moments when communities imagine themselves through shared performance. The singing of verses and communal prayer reflects emphasis on folklore as a medium for moral instruction and social solidarity. The informant’s personal experience, finding new joy in the tradition through her role as a mother, shows how she emotionally engaged with tradition. As a festival centered around a divine child and enacted in domestic spaces, Paradura del Niño also echoes the symbolic focus on family, innocence, and renewal that Tok Thompson (2019) associates with vernacular sacredness in modern folklore. It is not only a celebration of faith, but a lived, evolving narrative of family, food, and joy that binds individual memory to collective ritual.