Korean Doljabi Tradition

Text: “I’m Korean, and there is a tradition that we do on our first birthday called Doljabi. Basically, we are placed in front of various items that each represent something. For example, at my Doljabi, there was an orange to represent food, a dollar bill to represent wealth, a gavel to represent law, and a stethoscope to represent medicine. As a one-year-old child, we have to crawl towards an object and pick one, and whichever we pick, represents our future. I picked the dollar bill, of course, and growing up, my parents always reminded me that I will become wealthy just because I picked this. I’m not entirely sure if I believe that whatever you pick comes true, but I would not mind if it does.”

Context: The informant is ethnically Korean but lives in Canada. His grandparents moved from Korea to Canada, so he is a second-generation Canadian. He says he does not celebrate many Korean traditions now, especially being at college, but his mother has tried to engrain as much of Korean culture in him and his siblings as possible. He said he has no recollection of this celebration himself, since he was only one year old, but his parents often remind him of it. He has seen photos of himself in the hanbok, the traditional Korean clothing, and there is a video on his father’s old video camera of him crawling towards the money. He said it makes sense for him that he chose money, and his parents always joke that they knew he would become money-oriented because of this. He said this celebration still resonates with him, as he is a Business major and wants to go into investment banking. He said money is not the only factor that drives him, but it is important for him, and he hopes to become relatively wealthy in the future.

Analysis: The Doljabi ritual is a life cycle celebration celebrated at a pivotal point in one’s life, their first birthday. This ritual is symbolic, as the object that the baby chooses has the power to predict their future. In this sense, it is not only celebrating birth and the start of childhood, but rather, the start of selfhood, and choosing a future for yourself. The ritual shows the power of folkloric performance in terms of structuring and forming identity. The rest of the baby’s future, including their identity, can be solely based on an object that they choose. Many people put full faith into this tradition, meaning that they believe their trajectory is fixed by it.  

This ritual is also a form of homeopathic magic. This object can represent something larger. For example, in this case, choosing money means that they will become wealthy. In this case, like produces like, and grabbing an object that represents money, will imitate a result of wealth for the future. Even though the baby is too young to understand what their actions mean, the adults take it very seriously, and believe that their choice in object is a form of prophecy. It is not just about the child, but the projection of values. In Korean culture, they value success, shown through the objects (wealth, medicine, law). This shows what professions or attributes are desirable in a person. This also highlights the pedagogical aspect of folklore, especially related to culture. In this sense, Korean culture is trying to teach children, at such a young age, what traits and professions are valued in a person. This becomes a way for the child to understand their role in their cultural identity. 

Even though the informant shows that they are skeptic of the tradition, the significance of the memory, which is lived on through their family continuing to joke about it, shows the lasting power of performative tradition. Even though Doljabi may be viewed as superstitious and dramatic, its emotional resonance is what allows it to persist throughout generations. Even when these traditions may be detached from institutional belief, they still hold power. Despite people not believing in the actual “magic” of the tradition, they want to perform it because it is still fun, meaningful, and feels important, since it is a tradition.

Lastly, Doljabi also functions as a way to maintain heritage. This is especially the case because the informant grew up outside of Korea, in Canada. It is a way for people to maintain ties to their ancestry and culture. Doljabi is often performed with grandparents and accompanied with Korean food and a hanbok, which is traditional Korean clothing. This shows how folk objects can work together to serve a greater purpose of maintaining cultural heritage.

Chinese Folk Medicine

Text: “Ever since I was a kid, my mom used Chinese white flower oil on me. We are not Chinese, but she believed heavily in Chinese medicine, and preferred to use it over typical medicine like acetaminophen or ibuprofen. She used it for a variety of reasons. If I had a cold or flu, a stomach pain, muscle aches, or really anything, she rubbed this oil on it. I have no clue if it really worked, I often did feel better after but now I’m not sure if it’s because of placebo or not. This is something that’s been lost since coming to college, as I never took any Chinese medicine with me. Now I just use typical medicine, but it was a core part of my childhood, and I still remember the smell and feeling of the oil.”

Context: 

The informant is half-Taiwanese, but describes Chinese folk medicine. She says that it is common for East Asian people, in general, to use Chinese medicine because many of them share the same beliefs regarding folk medicine. She says that she can remember her mother using Chinese white flower oil on her since she can remember. As she describes, it was a very important medicine for her during her childhood, but she is skeptical about whether it truly works. She is a science major, so believes more in modern and pharmaceutical medicine. She no longer uses the white flower oil now, but still has strong memories associated with it.

Analysis:

This example of Chinese medicine is an example of folk medicine. Folk medicine relies on cultural knowledge that is passed through generations. It is very independent of institutional Western medical systems. The specific white flower oil that the informant describes is an example of contagious magic. Although there are no “active” ingredients in the oil, compared to medications such as acetaminophen and ibuprofen, the oil’s “essence” is believed to transfer healing properties through physical touch. Although essential oils can have certain healing properties, they cannot extend as far as users believe. The informant expresses how he is uncertain about whether the oil truly works. This shows how there can be blurred lines between what actually works as folk medicine and knowledge, and in this case, the placebo effect. Additionally, the informant says he does not use the oil anymore, after moving away to college, which shows how folklore’s performance is highly contextual and often tied to a specific setting and place. 

The informant says that his family is not ethnically Chinese, which shows how intercultural folklore transmission functions, and how it can spread globally. Additionally, the mother’s trust in traditional Chinese healing methods over Western medicine suggests a resistance or uncertainty to institutionalized medicine. This reflects what we were discussing in class, which is the tension between folk knowledge and institutional science. If the user believes that the oil works over a form of institutionalized medicine, this shows how science is not always truth. If there were to be scientific evidence that the oil works, this would also show how folklore can turn into science, as discussed in lecture. 

Indonesian Wedding Ritual

Text: “You know how at American weddings, the bride throws a bouquet? And whoever catches it is going to get married next. In my family, I think this originates from Indonesia, we buy a holy chicken, like a live chicken. They buy this chicken, it’s expensive, and they keep it at the house. The parents of the groom throw it and all the moms of those unmarried try to catch it. And whoever catches it, their kid is going to get married next. When I went to my cousin’s wedding back in New York, her mom insisted that she do this tradition, even though she found it very strange in Western context. I still have the video of the chicken being thrown, because we all thought it was ridiculous. But my mom told me that it is really sacred in Indonesian culture, and everyone in our family must participate in it.”

Context: The informant, KP, is half-Indonesian and has a very strong connection to her culture. She visits Indonesia with her family every summer and has become familiar with many Indonesian traditions. She describes this celebration as one that she learned when she was younger, at the first Indonesian wedding she went to. However, she has a lot of family in the United States, since her grandparents moved here, and they do this celebration at weddings here too. She said it sounds like a silly tradition to people on the outside, but in Indonesian culture, and her family specifically, it is a sacred ritual that they must do.

Analysis: 

This wedding ritual illustrates a life cycle celebration, specifically, marriage. It manifests this life cycle celebration as folk performance. The wedding is no longer about only the union of two people, but rather about showcasing cultural values, specifically surrounding family and social continuity. It is also about creating community in a sacred way, as ritualizing the act makes it much more significant. The ritual is passed down through generations, through repeated performance. 

This act is also rooted in homeopathic magic. The chicken is a representation of marriage, and catching the chicken transfers that marriage. In many cultures, animals can represent folk beliefs and hold symbolic power. The fact that the mothers are the ones catching the chicken also shows how marriage is not just about the bride and groom, but a communal affair, shaped by family and friends.

It also reaffirms the cultural belief in fate and the social pressure surrounding marriage and fertility, specifically for women. This is especially clear because the mothers are the ones catching the chicken, which reflects the cultural pressure placed on women to find their husband and start the next generation. Women are often both the agents and subjects of marriage rituals. In many cultures, women are the ones who have to perform the ritual, but they are also the most affected by the outcome. This highlights gender expectations about marriage and status in certain cultures. In this sense, the ritual is a reinforcement of patriarchal values, where women’s roles are tied to marriage, reproduction, and continuing a family.

This is also an example of an oicotype, as there are many regional variations of this wedding tradition. It is similar to the American tradition of throwing a bouquet, but it has a variation based on local beliefs. Specifically, in Indonesia, animals often hold sacred significance, which is why they have to use a “special” chicken. 

“Arriba abajo al centro pa dentro”

Age: 19

Text: “¡Arriba, abajo, al centro, pa’ dentro!“

Context: “Arriba abajo al centro pa dentro” translates to “up, down, to the center, and in.” My mom is Argentine, and when I was a young teen, we went to visit my grandparents in Argentina, and they said this as a way to “cheers” when we were celebrating our reunion. Now, I use it in a very casual way, but it has a big significance in my life. I taught all my friends this saying, and we use it every time we are toasting and raising a glass.”

Analysis: As a non-Spanish speaker, I had never heard of this saying until I came to USC and my friend taught it to me. Now, we all use this saying whenever we are toasting to or celebrating an event or activity. It has become a social norm and mini-ritual for us. This saying is an example of a performative speech, as the saying creates an action. It is more than just words, it is a performance. This ritualizes the event of drinking and toasting into a genuine social experience. It is an event that requires participation, as it cannot be performed alone, you need a group of people, or an audience to interact with it. As a result of this, it is creating a group and social identity. It works as a way to unify a group of people. It also shows how items such as food and drink can symbolize celebration, and people use folklore to symbolize this. 

Cuban proverb

Age: 19

Text: “No se puede meter la Habana en Guanabacoa”

Context: This proverb translates to “you can’t stick Havana in Guanabacoa.” The participant told me, “My dad is Cuban and he has always told this proverb to me. Havana is a big city and Guanabacoa is a big city beside it. The proverb essentially means that you cannot stick Havana in Guanabacoa because it is bigger. I use this proverb when I’m doing more than I should. Whenever I’m stressed and have too much on my plate, my parents tell me that I can’t do everything in the little time you have. I like this proverb because it helps me ground myself when I need to.” 

Analysis: This proverb reminds me of another proverb, “don’t bite off more than you can chew.” These are both warning proverbs to tell people that even though it can be tempting, it is too hard on yourself to do more than you can handle. These types of proverbs became very popular in cultures, because they are very relatable for many people. At some point in life, everyone takes on more than they can manage. This proverb reminds people that you must not overwhelm yourself. This is especially relevant today, because society continues to put a lot of pressure on people, especially academically and professionally. Parents, professors, and employers expect more achievement and progress than many people can handle. This is an example of counter hegemony, as the proverb is going against this generally accepted idea of hustle culture and multitasking. It promotes mindfulness over busy work, which is something that is very uncommon in the present day.

Despite this proverb having Cuban origins, it is a universal piece of advice. Because of this, it is an example of structuralism and vernacular wisdom. It is general wisdom that can be applied to anyone, and it is used in everyday speech. This makes it a proverb that is easy to use and spread around, which is why it is so popular in Cuban culture, and its oicotypes are popular in other regions.