Author Archives: Maya Schiedel

Shabbat Tradition

Text: “I first did Shabbat with my family growing up every Friday. Then I went to a Jewish school from kindergarten to eighth grade. Every Friday there, we did Shabbat lunch where we mixed with all the grades. It was a more reformed school so it wasn’t super intense. When I started going to sleepaway camp, we did Shabbat on Friday there and it was just a really great community there. As my sister and I got older, things got busier so we couldn’t spend every Friday night doing Shabbat. We would always try to find a time once a month to do it. I grew up with my grandpa being a rabbi so we would go to St. Louis with my family and do a shabbat there. First you light the candle, then you do grape juice and wine, then you would do the Havdalah. This was a special part of camp for me because we always sang special songs. My parents, my dad especially, are very religious so this was always an important celebration for me.”

Context: The informant is Jewish-American, and originally from Chicago. She describes Shabbat as a significant celebration for her. Shabbat is a traditional Jewish celebration. It is the Jewish day of rest, from Friday to Saturday evening, and it is a time to rest from work and gather with loved ones. Specifically, as the informant describes, it is celebrated through a dinner. This is especially true because her grandfather is a Rabbi, so she grew up very tied to the Jewish religion. She says she is not as strictly religious as her father and grandfather, as they keep kosher and she does not, but she still feels that being Jewish is an important part of her identity. She says that Shabbat has been a part of her identity ever since she can remember, as she did it since her early childhood and continued this tradition throughout school and camp. Shabbat reminds her of her family and friends, which is why it remains so special for her, even if she is not able to celebrate it every Friday.

Analysis: 

Shabbat functions as a vernacular religious practice, as it is celebrated and adapted by individuals in different ways, and is often diverged from institutional expectations. The informant grew up in a religious household, but her Shabbat experience is shaped by other environments, including school and summer camp. Each experience has added a different layer and new meaning onto the ritual. The informant’s talks about both the loss and adaptation of the celebration over time. Throughout her life, she has had phases where she celebrates Shabbat weekly, and then other, busier times of her life when she is unable to. This shows how the ritual can act as identity performance. Even if she is unable to practice it weekly, the symbolic power still retains, and it is just as special and important to her.Also, the fact that she celebrates it in so many places (at home, camp, and school) shows that rituals can evolve contextually. Specifically, at her camp, she sings special songs, which is not something she does at other locations. This shows key features of folklore, including multiplicity and variation. Additionally, the ritual can create community, as she mentions. For her, camp becomes a site of ritual performance, creating a sense of communitas. This social unity is what makes the celebration so special for the informant.

The celebration of Shabbat becomes ritualized through the routine that takes place—the candle lighting, wine, and Havdalah. These acts are not only religious, but are also acts of folk performance.

Additionally, with her grandpa being a rabbi, this shows how heritage can play an important role in rituals. She is able to sustain this sense of family and heritage through celebrating the Shabbat tradition. This speaks to the purpose of folklore as a whole, she is learning the lore from her folk, in this case, her family. The relationship with her grandfather also reflects the combination of institutional and vernacular religion. He is an institutionally religious figure, but the way that they celebrate Shabbat is reflective of vernacular religion. This concept of heritage also shows how rituals can act as a method of cultural continuity. She is connecting to her Jewish heritage through ritualization.

Basketball Magic Superstition

Text: “When I played basketball, I had this ritual that I had to do before each game. If I didn’t do it, I would be really anxious and play badly. At the end of warm ups, right before the game begins, my same teammate would have to make a right handed layup, then I would have to catch her rebound right from the net, then I would take a right handed layup, then dribble the ball to the ref/benches with exactly 5 crossover dribbles, then hold the ball for 3 seconds before giving/putting it away. I had to be the last one to take a shot before the game too. It was really obnoxious, but I had to do it. We did it before every game for all four years of high school.”

Context: The informant was a very strong basketball player throughout middle school and high school. Although she no longer plays at college, she coaches younger children and still feels that it is an important part of her identity. She says she is a very superstitious person in general, and has many little rituals that she must conduct before certain events (other ones she described included before math tests). This ritual was the most important to her though, as she needed to do it before every game, or she felt that she would not play well. She says she started the ritual in ninth grade. She does not remember the exact origin or why her and this specific teammate started it, but they had to do it before every game. She thinks that they just did it before one of the first games and they both played very well, so they had to continue. She says it was a necessity for her, and she got anxious even thinking about not being able to do the ritual before a game.

Interpretation: 

This “ritual” reflects a form of magic superstition. This is when symbolic, repeatable actions are believed to affect performance outcomes. Specifically, this is a manifestation of homeopathic magic, where an action can influence the event—“like produces like”). In this case, she believes that if she completes this ritual, she will play well in the game. Even though this method is not technically rational, and has no scientific reasoning behind it, it offers her mental control in a high-pressure environment. It is necessary for her to enter a mindset where she is ready to perform in the game. 

This superstition reminds me of how, generally, athletes can use and develop folk practices to cope with anxieties during games. Specifically, in North America, sports carry quasi-religious importance. Many players often have rituals and superstitions that they feel the need to complete in order to perform well in a game. They believe that if they do not perform this ritual, it can lead to negative outcomes, which is especially stressful in unpredictable situations, where they want to control the outcome of the game, but cannot. This also parallels how other cultural groups, in general, develop rituals to navigate liminal spaces. In this case, the liminal space is the time in between the warm up and the game, when players are most anxious. 

This ritual also functions as an identity performance. Her commitment to the ritual shows her dedication and commitment to the sport. It reflects the values of discipline, repetition, and hard work that are emphasized in sports. This shows how society creates its own forms of sacred performance.

Korean Doljabi Tradition

Text: “I’m Korean, and there is a tradition that we do on our first birthday called Doljabi. Basically, we are placed in front of various items that each represent something. For example, at my Doljabi, there was an orange to represent food, a dollar bill to represent wealth, a gavel to represent law, and a stethoscope to represent medicine. As a one-year-old child, we have to crawl towards an object and pick one, and whichever we pick, represents our future. I picked the dollar bill, of course, and growing up, my parents always reminded me that I will become wealthy just because I picked this. I’m not entirely sure if I believe that whatever you pick comes true, but I would not mind if it does.”

Context: The informant is ethnically Korean but lives in Canada. His grandparents moved from Korea to Canada, so he is a second-generation Canadian. He says he does not celebrate many Korean traditions now, especially being at college, but his mother has tried to engrain as much of Korean culture in him and his siblings as possible. He said he has no recollection of this celebration himself, since he was only one year old, but his parents often remind him of it. He has seen photos of himself in the hanbok, the traditional Korean clothing, and there is a video on his father’s old video camera of him crawling towards the money. He said it makes sense for him that he chose money, and his parents always joke that they knew he would become money-oriented because of this. He said this celebration still resonates with him, as he is a Business major and wants to go into investment banking. He said money is not the only factor that drives him, but it is important for him, and he hopes to become relatively wealthy in the future.

Analysis: The Doljabi ritual is a life cycle celebration celebrated at a pivotal point in one’s life, their first birthday. This ritual is symbolic, as the object that the baby chooses has the power to predict their future. In this sense, it is not only celebrating birth and the start of childhood, but rather, the start of selfhood, and choosing a future for yourself. The ritual shows the power of folkloric performance in terms of structuring and forming identity. The rest of the baby’s future, including their identity, can be solely based on an object that they choose. Many people put full faith into this tradition, meaning that they believe their trajectory is fixed by it.  

This ritual is also a form of homeopathic magic. This object can represent something larger. For example, in this case, choosing money means that they will become wealthy. In this case, like produces like, and grabbing an object that represents money, will imitate a result of wealth for the future. Even though the baby is too young to understand what their actions mean, the adults take it very seriously, and believe that their choice in object is a form of prophecy. It is not just about the child, but the projection of values. In Korean culture, they value success, shown through the objects (wealth, medicine, law). This shows what professions or attributes are desirable in a person. This also highlights the pedagogical aspect of folklore, especially related to culture. In this sense, Korean culture is trying to teach children, at such a young age, what traits and professions are valued in a person. This becomes a way for the child to understand their role in their cultural identity. 

Even though the informant shows that they are skeptic of the tradition, the significance of the memory, which is lived on through their family continuing to joke about it, shows the lasting power of performative tradition. Even though Doljabi may be viewed as superstitious and dramatic, its emotional resonance is what allows it to persist throughout generations. Even when these traditions may be detached from institutional belief, they still hold power. Despite people not believing in the actual “magic” of the tradition, they want to perform it because it is still fun, meaningful, and feels important, since it is a tradition.

Lastly, Doljabi also functions as a way to maintain heritage. This is especially the case because the informant grew up outside of Korea, in Canada. It is a way for people to maintain ties to their ancestry and culture. Doljabi is often performed with grandparents and accompanied with Korean food and a hanbok, which is traditional Korean clothing. This shows how folk objects can work together to serve a greater purpose of maintaining cultural heritage.

Chinese Folk Medicine

Text: “Ever since I was a kid, my mom used Chinese white flower oil on me. We are not Chinese, but she believed heavily in Chinese medicine, and preferred to use it over typical medicine like acetaminophen or ibuprofen. She used it for a variety of reasons. If I had a cold or flu, a stomach pain, muscle aches, or really anything, she rubbed this oil on it. I have no clue if it really worked, I often did feel better after but now I’m not sure if it’s because of placebo or not. This is something that’s been lost since coming to college, as I never took any Chinese medicine with me. Now I just use typical medicine, but it was a core part of my childhood, and I still remember the smell and feeling of the oil.”

Context: 

The informant is half-Taiwanese, but describes Chinese folk medicine. She says that it is common for East Asian people, in general, to use Chinese medicine because many of them share the same beliefs regarding folk medicine. She says that she can remember her mother using Chinese white flower oil on her since she can remember. As she describes, it was a very important medicine for her during her childhood, but she is skeptical about whether it truly works. She is a science major, so believes more in modern and pharmaceutical medicine. She no longer uses the white flower oil now, but still has strong memories associated with it.

Analysis:

This example of Chinese medicine is an example of folk medicine. Folk medicine relies on cultural knowledge that is passed through generations. It is very independent of institutional Western medical systems. The specific white flower oil that the informant describes is an example of contagious magic. Although there are no “active” ingredients in the oil, compared to medications such as acetaminophen and ibuprofen, the oil’s “essence” is believed to transfer healing properties through physical touch. Although essential oils can have certain healing properties, they cannot extend as far as users believe. The informant expresses how he is uncertain about whether the oil truly works. This shows how there can be blurred lines between what actually works as folk medicine and knowledge, and in this case, the placebo effect. Additionally, the informant says he does not use the oil anymore, after moving away to college, which shows how folklore’s performance is highly contextual and often tied to a specific setting and place. 

The informant says that his family is not ethnically Chinese, which shows how intercultural folklore transmission functions, and how it can spread globally. Additionally, the mother’s trust in traditional Chinese healing methods over Western medicine suggests a resistance or uncertainty to institutionalized medicine. This reflects what we were discussing in class, which is the tension between folk knowledge and institutional science. If the user believes that the oil works over a form of institutionalized medicine, this shows how science is not always truth. If there were to be scientific evidence that the oil works, this would also show how folklore can turn into science, as discussed in lecture. 

Indonesian Wedding Ritual

Text: “You know how at American weddings, the bride throws a bouquet? And whoever catches it is going to get married next. In my family, I think this originates from Indonesia, we buy a holy chicken, like a live chicken. They buy this chicken, it’s expensive, and they keep it at the house. The parents of the groom throw it and all the moms of those unmarried try to catch it. And whoever catches it, their kid is going to get married next. When I went to my cousin’s wedding back in New York, her mom insisted that she do this tradition, even though she found it very strange in Western context. I still have the video of the chicken being thrown, because we all thought it was ridiculous. But my mom told me that it is really sacred in Indonesian culture, and everyone in our family must participate in it.”

Context: The informant, KP, is half-Indonesian and has a very strong connection to her culture. She visits Indonesia with her family every summer and has become familiar with many Indonesian traditions. She describes this celebration as one that she learned when she was younger, at the first Indonesian wedding she went to. However, she has a lot of family in the United States, since her grandparents moved here, and they do this celebration at weddings here too. She said it sounds like a silly tradition to people on the outside, but in Indonesian culture, and her family specifically, it is a sacred ritual that they must do.

Analysis: 

This wedding ritual illustrates a life cycle celebration, specifically, marriage. It manifests this life cycle celebration as folk performance. The wedding is no longer about only the union of two people, but rather about showcasing cultural values, specifically surrounding family and social continuity. It is also about creating community in a sacred way, as ritualizing the act makes it much more significant. The ritual is passed down through generations, through repeated performance. 

This act is also rooted in homeopathic magic. The chicken is a representation of marriage, and catching the chicken transfers that marriage. In many cultures, animals can represent folk beliefs and hold symbolic power. The fact that the mothers are the ones catching the chicken also shows how marriage is not just about the bride and groom, but a communal affair, shaped by family and friends.

It also reaffirms the cultural belief in fate and the social pressure surrounding marriage and fertility, specifically for women. This is especially clear because the mothers are the ones catching the chicken, which reflects the cultural pressure placed on women to find their husband and start the next generation. Women are often both the agents and subjects of marriage rituals. In many cultures, women are the ones who have to perform the ritual, but they are also the most affected by the outcome. This highlights gender expectations about marriage and status in certain cultures. In this sense, the ritual is a reinforcement of patriarchal values, where women’s roles are tied to marriage, reproduction, and continuing a family.

This is also an example of an oicotype, as there are many regional variations of this wedding tradition. It is similar to the American tradition of throwing a bouquet, but it has a variation based on local beliefs. Specifically, in Indonesia, animals often hold sacred significance, which is why they have to use a “special” chicken.