Category Archives: Digital

Fan-fiction “Tropes”

Context:

The informant is a 20-year-old undergraduate student studying linguistic at Cambridge. She was and still is involved in both Chinese and the English online community for fan-fictions. In the interviewee she shared a interesting characteristic of the Chinese fandom community.

Text:

The informant explains that in traditional Chinese poetry there is a concept called 词牌名 (brand of a tune), which can be understood as the name of a fixed melodic pattern. In classical poetry, lyrics (词) were written to be sung according to set tunes, meaning the 词牌名 functions like a structural template or musical framework, while the actual content of each poem could vary.

She notes that in modern Chinese fan-fiction communities, a similar concept exists. Certain recurring titles and narrative tropes are reused across different fandoms, and users themselves sometimes refer to these as 词牌名.

Examples include phrases such as:

  • “真相是假” (The Truth Is Fake)
  • “五次他……这一次他没有” (Five Times They …, and This Time They Didn’t）
  • “生长痛” (Growing Pains)
  • “花吐症” (Flower-Puking Syndrome – a fictional illness trope in fandom where a person coughs up flowers due to unrequited love)
  • “斯德哥尔摩情人” (Stockholm Lover)

The informant finds this particularly interesting because it represents a blend between traditional Chinese literary structure and contemporary youth creative writing practices.

Analysis:

This phenomenon shows how classical literary frameworks can be reinterpreted within digital fan cultures as reusable narrative templates. Similar to traditional 词牌名, these modern “titles-as-structures” function as pre-existing emotional and thematic molds that guide storytelling while allowing variation in content. Their repetition across different fandoms creates a shared expressive vocabulary, enabling writers to quickly communicate complex emotional narratives through recognizable tropes. At the same time, the adaptation of a classical term to describe internet writing practices reflects how traditional cultural concepts are continuously recontextualized by younger generations, linking historical literary forms to contemporary participatory culture.

FPS Doug (“Boom Headshot!”)

Main text:
FPS Doug (“Boom Headshot!”)
Background on Informant:
My informant is a friend of mine who I regularly play video games with. He is in his thirties and has been playing video games since he could remember. I asked him about internet videos from back in the day that had a strong following or that is still relevant today. He brought up the FPS Doug video and explained that it was something he and other gamers have seen and quoted over the years. He said it is especially common among people who have played FPS games like Counter-Strike.

Text:
Interviewer: so tell me about the video

Informant: Yeah, FPS DOUG the “boom headshot” guy, just funny and over the top. The way he reacts is crazy, throughout the video it shows him as a little eccentric, but when he plays counterstrike everyt ime he gets a kill he yells BOOM HEADSHOT! The video ends with him freaking out like way too much over him dying in the game, it was pretty funny.

Interviewer: What group would you say this internet folklore originated from?

Informant: Gamers for sure but more specifically Counter-strike gamers, you know CS has a cult like following.

Interviewer: Yes I am aware, do people still say it?

Informant: Yeah, *laughs* and you are one of those people.

Interviewer: Do you know the time frame it may have originated?

Informant: Uhh like the 2000 to 2010 I think?

Interviewer: thank you I appreciate your time.

Analysis:
This is digital folklore, the FPS Doug video became widely shared online and turned into a meme through repetition and quoting. In class, we learned that folklore spreads informally, and this example reflects that because it was not formally taught but shared within the gaming community online. The phrase became popular specifically within the Counter-Strike community before eventually spreading to the first person shooter community. It now functions like verbal folklore within gaming culture, reinforcing group identity and shared humor. This example also demonstrates multiplicity and variation, since people continue to reuse and adapt the phrase in different contexts not just to counterstrike or gaming but it has been used in the same way “knocked it out of the park” is used. Overall, it shows how modern folklore spreads through digital platforms while still serving similar functions as traditional folklore.

The Cursor Superstition

Interviewer: “Can you tell me more about this digital superstition?”

SG: When i’m downloading a huge game update, like the one we are downloading right now, I never leave the cursor on the loading bar. if the cursor is touching the bar, it feels like its ‘weighing it down’ and making it slower. I always move it to the corner of the screen.

Context: Sophie is a frequent gaming partner of mine. She told me this superstition and taught it to me while we were waiting a patch to download. In order for both of us to be able to log onto the game quicker, I attempted it and it worked. She learned this from a famous gaming YouTuber who has propagated this belief to his subscribers.

Analysis: This is an example of digital folklore. Even with modern technology, humans apply “magical thinking” to processes we cannot physically see or exert control over. Anthropoligcally, this is a control ritual, and the personification of the digital cursor having this weight over the loading bar is a form of animism applied to software. In applying real world physics to an intangible object, we are making the virtual space more intelligible.

Making Daisy Chain

Text:

Context:

This text was collected from a close friend of mine, who shared a photo of a daisy chain she had made. Daisy chain making is a traditional craft in which flower stems are linked together to create a wearable object, typically worn as a crown or bracelet. I learned the technique from a YouTube tutorial and subsequently taught it to my friend in person, who then practiced independently and shared the result. The practice is typically associated with outdoor settings and leisure time, and carries a nostalgic aesthetic. My friend photographed only half of the finished chain, suggesting the image was shared casually and informally rather than as a deliberate documentation of the craft.

Analysis

This piece raises interesting questions about the boundaries of folklore in the digital age. The transmission chain here — YouTube to me to my friend — exemplifies the post-modern collapse between oral and digital culture, where informal skill-sharing that once happened exclusively face-to-face now moves fluidly between online and interpersonal contexts. The YouTuber functions as what Von Sydow would call an active tradition bearer, putting a personal spin on a widely shared traditional craft and broadcasting it to a mass audience, yet the craft itself remains folkloric because it exists in multiplicity and variation and is disseminated informally. The in-person transmission from collector to friend represents the more classical folk process, learning by demonstration and example rather than through any official instruction. This piece also connects to discussions of folklorism: daisy chain making is an ancient craft now circulating through commercial platforms like YouTube, raising questions about whether the folk process is preserved or subtly transformed when it moves through digital spaces. The craft’s persistence across these shifting transmission channels speaks to its deep roots as a form of vernacular, embodied knowledge.




A joke about calling Shanghainese young masters

Text:
“We were at San Gabriel yesterday, and my friends joked to the coffee shop ‘Cotti Coffee’ that Shanghainese young masters like me won’t like it.”

Context:

This text was collected from a Chinese international student who is originally from Shanghai. The piece emerged during a casual outing at a San Gabriel shopping area, where the informant’s friends spontaneously used the term “Shanghainese young master” as a joke directed at her. “Cotti Coffee” is a budget-friendly Chinese chain, which also means that it is significantly cheaper than other premium brands like Starbucks, which is also the butt of the joke. The term “Shanghainese young master” originated on Chinese social media platforms, where increased information flow made regional economic differences newly visible and discussable. It is used mockingly to describe Shanghainese people who, having grown up in one of China’s wealthiest cities, carry unconscious class privilege. This privilege is demonstrated in this case around consumption habits and taste. The informant received the joke good-naturedly, suggesting she recognizes herself in the stereotype.

Analysis:

This piece shows the way folk speech born on the internet negotiates class identity within a folk group. The term “Shanghainese young master” exemplifies internet folklore’s characteristic of rapid diffusion and variation: the joke emerges from online discussions of regional inequality and is incorporated into in-person social interaction, demonstrating the collapse of boundaries between digital and oral communication in the post-modern era. Moreover, the jokes operate through Pierre Bourdieu’s concept of habitus, or the idea that class position is not just economic but embodied in unconscious tastes and preferences (in this case, coffee consumption). Choosing or refusing a budget coffee chain becomes an involuntary performance of class identity, revealing what the informant has internalized as “normal” without conscious awareness. The joke also shows the way material culture functions as a marker of group identity: the coffee brand is a folk symbol through which insiders negotiate belonging, difference, and hierarchy.