Category Archives: Folk speech

New Year’s Banzai

Text

“Every year or New Year’s day my entire extended family, on my Dad’s Japanese American side, get together at my aunt’s house. We all live relatively close to her house in San Pedro, so everyone drives up to her place. It is tradition for everyone to coordinate with her on what to bring so there is a feast with a variety of foods. We always eat mochi soup, spam musubi, and sushi along with many other dishes and desserts. Each year after we eat, everyone gathers in the living room to do a toast with the adults having some sort of alochol such as champaigne and the kids with juice. Unfortunately I still have to drink the juice for a couple more years. Then, usually an older man of the family, like one of my uncles, gives a toast to the new year with wishes of health, love, and fortune and ends the speech with yelling “Banzai” three times. After each ‘banzai’ we repeat it after him while raising our glasses, and after three times we all drink.”

Context

“I think this family tradition manifests connection and love for the new year and makes the day feel special. As far as I know, the tradition started at my great uncle’s house and following his passing, my aunt also his daughter, continued the celebration at her house. From my memory we have been gathering and performing this tradition as far as I can remember in my 17 years.”

Analysis

Family folklore often is passed down throughout generations in the form of traditions. In this particular family, the tradition that began at her great uncle’s house is carried on by his daughter to keep the family’s identity on New Year’s alive and also maintains the memory of her father. Often times, folklore is maintained across generations to preserve what the folk before us created with minor changes in tradition along the way. The annual tradition of this event along with the Banzai toast make it a ritual because of the same foods and actions performed for each celebration. The shared drinking and eating foster connection and give this folk group their own unique identity.

Knock on Wood

Text

“Whenever predicting something positive to come or making a simple statement, I often say “knock on wood” after and knock on a surface such as a wooden desk. This practice ensures I do not put bad luck into existence and cause the exact opposite of what was said to happen, also known as jinxing something. One example is when I tell my friends something like “the Lakers are definitely going to win the playoff series” I would follow with saying knock on wood and knocking on a surface to ensure good luck. Sometimes when I am not near a table I will knock on anything such as my own thigh or head because the knock following the phrase is crucial to this folk ritual.”

Context

“I first heard this from my dad who would often say “knock on wood” to avoid jinxing a good thing he was talking about. I didn’t directly ask him what it meant but instead picked up the context clues of its usage as I heard more people around me also performing the ritual. While some of them believe it completely ensures good luck, most of the friends and family I know feel it is more for personal security to prevent any karma or bad luck. They described this action as a habitual part of their daily lives.”

Analysis:

This is a strong example of a folk ritual that acts as a form of American folk belief. Its usage is varied based on how different individuals came to learn about the practice. Some knock on physical wood, others any object, and others who simply say the phrase. This folk ritual is a form of comfort for folk to alleviate stress from uncertain outcomes and bad luck in day to day life. While some believe in it completely, others like to habitually do it to feel like they are in control of their lives. This ritual reveals that in American culture, simple traditions can hold strong cultural value through causing positive outcomes and passing down to other generations. It is a form of homeopathic magic because the action is meant to create good outcomes and prevent bad ones. By the idea that like affects like, the actions is positively performed to ensure positive results.

Red Note Refugee

Context:

The informant is a 19-year-old undergraduate student at USC. During the spring semester of 2025 she downloaded Red Note (小红书) and used it for a few days as part of a trend where users outside China temporarily joined the platform as so-called “refugees.”

Text:

The informant describes her experience using Red Note after downloading it during a period when many new international users joined the app. She explains that she used the platform for a short time out of curiosity and to observe the content and community style. During this period, she was part of a group of users jokingly referred to as “refugees,” meaning people who temporarily migrated to the app from other social media platforms. She notes that the experience felt both unfamiliar and entertaining, as the platform’s content culture and user interactions differed from what she was used to.

Analysis:

This phenomenon reflects how digital platforms can generate temporary, identity-based user communities through migration trends and internet humor. The term “refugee” is used playfully to describe short-term users who “escape” from one platform to another, turning platform switching into a shared cultural joke. This labeling also highlights how online communities construct group identity even around brief or superficial participation. At the same time, the informant’s short engagement illustrates how users often treat new platforms as exploratory spaces rather than long-term commitments, revealing the fluid and trend-driven nature of contemporary digital folklore.

Language Cosplay (语c)

Context:

The informant is a 20-year-old undergraduate student studying linguistic at Cambridge. She was previously involved in Chinese online youth subcultures and participated in “语C” (language cosplay), a text-based role-playing community that originated from online forums and fandom culture in China. She also have a love in studying online subculture that often involves writing and the use of languages.

Text:

The informant describes 语C as a form of pure text-based role-playing where participants pretends they are a certain fictional characters and interact with others through written dialogue and narrative description. Rather than simply writing stories, participants actively perform as characters by imitating speech styles, emotional reactions, and behavior in real time.

She explains that the experience always felt like more than just writing. It felt like performing, closer to dramatic acting than literature. Within this community, there are also shared vocabularies and conventions that only insiders understand. For example, participants often refer to a piece of writing as “the play” (戏) instead of a “story.”

Analysis:

This practice demonstrates how digital subcultures can transform writing into a performative and collective activity rather than an individual literary act. 语C functions as a form of vernacular performance, where identity is constructed through continuous role-play and interaction rather than fixed authorship. The emphasis on embodying characters highlights the blurred boundary between writing and acting, showing how online communities can create hybrid forms of artistic expression.

Inky Binky Bonky

The Story:

“When I was younger, I had this tradition that I did with all of my friends. It started with my cousin, she taught it to me. But one of my favorite games growing up was tag and the way that we determined who would become or who would be the first to be it was Inky Binky Bonky. What we would do is we would come together and we would put our feet in a circle, and then we would chant the song while pointing onto each other’s toes. “

 “Inky Binky Bonky, 

daddy had a donkey, 

donkey died, 

daddy cried, 

what color was the donkey’s butt?”

“and then you land on somebody and then they give a color. If they’re like pink, you go P-I-N-K pink and then you’re out. That person’s out. And then you keep going until you have one person.

I taught the rhyme onto other people. My cousin did it because when I was younger the only rhymes I think were mutually accepted and known or widely known were like bubble gum bubble gum in a dish and Eenie Meenie Minie Moe, but Inky Binky Bonky, I had never heard of it. My cousin taught it to me and then I taught it to all of my friends.  The last age I played it, I would say maybe when I was like 11 or 12. I learned it, I want to say either kindergarten or first grade.  A twist I added was if it landed on me, I would count how many feet it would take for me to be it. Say a color that was longer, I knew that if I said pink, it would land on me, so I’m saying orange or I’m saying something else so that it’s somebody else. But yeah, I would just  use the color in my mind to navigate what I wanted to do and where I wanted to go.”

Reflection:

This interview and the informant reminded me of childlore and the multiplicity of folklore and how it can transcend regions but still have the original intent. The counting rhyme functions as a folk narrative in a shorter form, a verbal performance that assigns social roles and the weight they carry via rhythm, chance and choice. This also touches making do with whichever mediums are at hand and still perpetuating the original intent of the folk media. This version of a counting game, as well as some of the tactics used when determining social roles as implied by the rhyme are especially interesting. Although there is no direct author of this rhyme, it still exists and has several variations in different locations and regions. Further, it shows the creative control the informant and players of the game have when choosing the color when playing the game. It goes to show that while several versions of a game may exist, the original intent remains and the initiation players take to achieve the desired outcome.