Category Archives: Material

Virginia Mice Graves

Context:

The informant recalls a childhood tradition in which she and her peers referred to small and neatly arranged stones as “mouse graves.” The group would sometimes pause for moments of silence believing them to be tombstones. The informant is now a student in university and recalls this from her childhood in Virginia.

Text:

“I remember when I was um growing up, back in Virginia, kind of in like a suburban area and we would have like, the car riders, walkers, and like bus riders. Which basically, we’re all grouped based off of like how we got home.



I was sometimes a car rider, sometimes a walker. But when we would walk to home from school, there was like a tunnel system. So we would go down the tunnel to get to the other side of the street without crossing the street. 
It was like a safer way for kids to get to the neighborhoods. And for some reason, when we were younger, we used to, joke like down by the tunnel entrance. I think it was like a storm drain or something like that. It was like this like big, kind of like circle looking, like sewer thing. That was shorter than us, but still, reachable, if that makes sense. 
There were these stones outside of the drain. And, when they were like tiny and they were positioned in the very light organized way. 
I think it was like keep debris from, like crawling down. And I, like me and like the group of friends, would like call them like mouse graves, because, like, they were tiny, like, tombstones.

And so like, we would sometimes have like moments of silence for, like, the mice. And, these mice, so sad that they left this way, but so happy that they get to be together, like, we took it very seriously. 

So that was our, like, I guess, our explanation for tiny things. 
Like everything was, like, it was small. in a spooky area had to be a grave of some sort of animal. It’s not.
”

Analysis:

This example is a form of children’s folklore and a type of legend belief for this folk group. The physical environment, the storm drain and arranged stones, incites the narrative creation, demonstrating how folklore often emerges from interpreting ambiguous or unexplained features in the world around us, especially when were are younger and everything is new to us.

It also reinforces group cohesion as the shared interpretation and ritualized behavior, like the moment of silence, creates a sense of belonging among the children. While the informant now acknowledges it isn’t the truth she states that in the moment is was very real to her. This level of seriousness comes from the frame set around the event and allows children to interact with death in a way that feels safe. It lives in a slightly eerie atmosphere that encourages imagination and allows the ritual of death and funerals to be a part of their life at a young age.

It also shows how anyone, even children, are active bearers of tradition as they perform the ritual for the dead mice. The practice transforms the ordinary stones or manmade features into a cultural place showing how folklore is tied to social integration and imagination. This legend belief and safe place to play gives kids meaning to their surroundings and strengthens their connection to their home and peers and their walk back from school.


Keys that Connect

Age: 20

Context:

The informant is not a college student who describes a family tradition that began in childhood. Each family member selected an old key and wore it as a necklace. Later, when the informant left for college, the key symbol was reintroduced in a more meaningful way, with the parents framing it as a representation of “home” and ongoing connection.

Text:

“When I was little, me, my dad, my brother, and my mom went to, like, an old home wall store. They had like a bucket full of like old keys. And we each got a key and tied it to like a string as a necklace. 

We were little. We were like young, so it was cute, silly then, but we would say, “Our keys unlock each other’s hearts.” And we all wore our keys. 

Then when I got when I left for college, I got a necklace with a key on it, and my parents told me this is the key to your forever home now. because you can always come home. So I like symbol of keys for me.”

Analysis:

This is an example of material culture, centered around the symbolic use of a physical object, in this case, keys. While the keys themselves are ordinary objects, their meaning is created through shared family interpretation making them a part of her family folklore.

In a broader context the keys work as a type of sympathetic magic where a physical object represents or influences an emotional connection. This connects to a broader cultural tradition, such as love locks places on bridges, where keys and locks are used as symbols of lasting bonds and a connection across distance and difficult waters. In both cases, the object becomes a way of materializing a relationship.

The practice also plays a role in creating group identity. By wearing the keys that share the same symbolic meaning the family establishes a sense of belonging that is somewhat exclusive. We see this often in gang culture with tattoos or friend groups with bracelets they get together. They key marks membership within a group and reinforces their ties materially.

Additionally, the meaning of the keys evolves over time. What began as a cute, playful childhood activity becomes something more serious as the informant grows older and leaves home. This is similar to promise rings, where a couple may be too young to make a formal commitment, so the ring stands in place of an engagement ring. In both cases, the object gains significance over time. It also reinforces the idea that objects in childhood may feel temporary or playful, but as a person gets older, those same symbols can take on deeper emotional weight and meaning.

Overall, this example shows how folklore can transform ordinary objects into meaningful symbols that help people navigate changes in relationships and distance. The key takes on a symbolic, almost magical quality as it maintains connection during moments of separation.

“Sampanelli” (Family Recipe)

Age: 20

Text:

“My dad makes sampanelli, which is like an Italian dish, because my grandmother is 100% Italian. So they grew up having a lot of olive oil and vegetables and that type of stuff, but there weren’t that many recipes fully passed down.

My dad doesn’t really cook, like we don’t want him to cook, but one thing he does make is sampanelli, which is kind of disgusting—it’s raw meat, garlic, Parmesan cheese, and like a crepe. The meat is raw—like salted pork—and he makes the crepe himself.

But the funny thing is, we were doing research this year, and I think it’s actually called something else, like “sampanel,” but they just assumed it was sampanelli because they wanted to make it sound Italian.

So now whenever people come over and my dad says, ‘I think I’ll cook,’ we all know what that means.”

Context:

The informant describes a dish made by their father that is understood within the family as an “Italian” recipe connected to their grandmother’s heritage. The dish often in social situations when guests are present. It has become a recognizable and somewhat humorous tradition within the family, especially as her father isn’t much of a cook. The name “sampanelli” is the family interpretation rather than an accurate term, showing how the dish has been adapted and redefined over time. The informant now lives in the US on the east coast with her family.

Analysis:

This is an example of material culture and foodways folklore, where cultural knowledge is expressed through preparation and sharing of food. A key aspect of foodways is its nature of bricolage, where people create tradition by piecing together available ingredients, memories, and cultural influences rather than following a fixed and original recipe. So, even though this recipe may not be authentically or accurately Italian, or prepared as such, it functions as a symbol of heritage and identity within the family.

The uncertainty around the name and origin of the dish demonstrates the variation that occurs in performance and through generations. This highlights how folklore adapts overtime and this doesn’t make the recipe less valid. The family maintains a version that reflects their own understanding of their culture background. It shows that folklore doesn’t need to be historically accurate to have meaning and still functions in preserving their culture.

This dish is also a form of family humor and shared knowledge. When guests come over they are brought into the collective experience of disappointment in the father cooking and therefore join the folk group of the family while present for the event. It is a way for all the bond and constructs an identity through performance and even for those experiencing the performance.

Post-Fast In-N-Out Tradition

Text:

“My tradition is, I’m Coptic Orthodox, which means I’m Egyptian and Christian, and what we do is every Easter, because we fast from meat, we go to In-N-Out every single year, since I was a kid. And we basically get three-by-threes, double-doubles, and we get super fat. And it’s great.”

Context:

The informant is part of the Coptic Orthodox Christian community and describes a yearly tradition that takes place after the Lent fast leading up to Easter. During this period, members abstain from meat and other animal products, making the end of the fast a significant moment of return to those foods.

The informant explains that their family and friends mark this transition by going to In-N-Out every year, a practice that has been repeated since childhood. In-N-Out is a fast food American burger chain in California.

Analysis:

This example is a form of customary folklore, specifically a ritual tied to a religious calendar. While the fast remains part of the formal religious tradition, the act of going to In-N-Out is an informal, family-created practice that builds on that structure in a modern way.

It connects to broader patterns in foodways, particularly the idea that the end of a fast is marked by specific, often indulgent foods. The emphasis on meat-heavy meals also shows the contrast between a period of restriction for religion and belief and then abundance. This is a common feature is post-fast ritual not just in religion but across cultures like body building. In this case, the use of In-N-Out shows how traditional practices adapt to local contexts because it blends religious and cultural identity with American consumer culture.

The repetition of this activity every year also demonstrates how folklore is maintained through ritual. The joking tone of “we get super fat” shows the humor that reinforces the group identity and marks a space where “getting super fat” and breaking all these religious strict rules is not only okay but celebrated by the group. It brings balance to daily life and also provides a safe way to go against the structures of religion. The fast may be over but religion itself is against over indulgence, this space, folk group and the end of the fast, creates the frame to subvert authority while still playing into it.

More broadly, this example shows how folklore can exist at the intersection of religion and informal practices. While the fast is institutionally defined the way it is experienced and celebrated is shaped by peoples everyday choices. Individuals and families can activley participate and create meaningful culture, with similar impacts of a religious fast, within larger systems on their own.

Garlic and Onions as Medicine

Age: 16

Text:

“One weird medicinal thing my parents would do is that even though they were doctors, they’re Romanian, so when we were younger, when we would get sick, they would always tell us to eat garlic and onions, which I think stemmed from the whole vampire Dracula thing, but somehow that was a way to avoid being sick.”

Context:

The informant describes a ritual from childhood in which their parents, both trained doctors, encouraged them to eat garlic and onions when they were sick. This advice was given as a part of everyday care, rather than in a formal medical context. The informant connects this to their Romanian cultural background referencing associations with garlic and onions as protection from things such as vampires.

Analysis:

This example of belief based folklore and foodways, specifically a home remedy that is passed down through cultural tradition. It reflects how folklore and coexist with formal systems of knowledge as the informants parents rely on both their medical training and inherited practices.

The use of garlic and onions as protective or healing substances connects in a widely known way to Vampires. However, this shows how stories and culture spread into each other and affect one another. This connects in a broader context to sympathetic logic where certain foods are believed to have magical qualities. While the information links this to vampires folklore it is also a cultural association around the world between food and health, showing how meanings can overlap across different traditions. Folklore is adapted and changed overtime, its performance and daily practice is what impacts the culture and identity around us.

This example also demonstrates how folklore functions as vernacular knowledge operates outside of institutional authority even when practiced by individuals within those systems. The fact their parents are doctors highlights that belief-based practices are not limited to a lack of scientific knowledge, but instead persist because they are culturally meaningful and familiar.

This example shows how folklore is transmitted within families and adapted into everyday life, shaping how people understand and respond to illness. Even if the reasoning is not fully explained or scientifically grounded, the practice continues because it is part of a shared cultural framework around healing.